Local Face of Militarism represents a continuation of a series of texts in which Initiative against militarism analyses system of militarism and presents the ways in which some of the structures from Slovenia are embedded in it. It was prepared as a contribution to the Transnational Days of Action against Militarism and Nationalism, which were decided upon at the Balkan Anarchist Book Fair in Pristina in the summer of 2024. Read also other three texts in the series War is Here, War Starts Here and War is Not a Success Story.
The Local Face of Militarism
Militarism is a system that organises social and natural resources for war. It is made up of interconnected structures, institutions and practices. Militarisation is the process of reproduction, expansion and strengthening of the system of militarism. In it a leading role is played by the state, supranational structures and ideology with the latter seeking to equip it with social legitimacy, obscuring its structure and effects, and thereby reinforcing its relative power in relation to the rest of society. The true dimensions of this power are revealed not only by the quantities of weapons produced and the scale of the devastation of war, but also by the constant readjustment of political and other institutions when these become potential obstacles to limitless militarisation. Even when it is democracy, human rights, international law, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide that turn out to be in the way they are simply bypassed, ignored or suspended by the system of militarism.
Militarism has been an integral part of many models of social organisation throughout history. However, its power over society has been greatly strengthened by its attachment to the system of capitalism, which is based on the principle of the sovereignty of nation-states, and therefore on the subordination of society to the state, with the associated monopoly of violence by the state. Capitalism and militarism are today, in fact, Siamese twins, with so much in common that it is impossible to determine where one begins and the other ends. The aim of both, however, is to assert their own power over both society and nature, regardless of any ethical, humanitarian, ecological or other values.
In addition to a ramified state apparatus, arms factories and dedicated research and education structures, an integral part of the system of militarism is ideology and all those who re-produce it. People often do not want war, they reject weapons and violence, they see people as friends and not enemies, they do not want to fight for the interests of a few agents of capital. In order to effectively prepare people to accept the values and ideas of militarism, many ideological schemes, such as nationalism, racism, sexism and others, based on the idea of the domination of one part of the population over others, are employed. Through their active participation in the reproduction of these ideas, pop culture, religious organisations, educational institutions, folklore societies, scout associations and many other parts of society can also be part of the system of militarism. The degree of militarisation of a society is reflected in practically all its spheres, and not only in the military apparatus.
Militarism, through its structures, invests heavily in the production of ideologically charged goods because, for all its power, it is precisely at the point of its own social legitimacy and of securing the real consent of the people that it is actually vulnerable. In its ideological march, it takes from everywhere. It presents wars as a natural phenomenon, as a matter of self-preservation, as an adventure, as a duty, as entertainment, as an initiation into the real world. The centres of power systematically normalise the use of military discourse in public, reinforce the masculine macho image of the male body as a heroic weapon of war, and paint war as the ultimate test of manhood. The specific needs of contemporary liberalism, that loyal supporter of militarisation, have recently also led to the incorporation of new identities into the same militarist scheme, with this extension being presented as a civilisational advance and the emancipation of hitherto excluded individuals and groups in society. But just as painting bombs pink does not make them any less lethal, the integration of women and LGBTQ+ people into the military does not make them any less murderous.
Already a passing reflection brings up many examples from everyday life through which the ideological apparatus of militarism operates. The state directly finances the production of military reality shows, the fashion industry produces military-influenced fashion creations, while the film industry has been a loyal tool of militarisation practically since its very inception. On the one hand, the centres of social power try to impose positive images of the army, soldiers, weapons and war to as many contexts as possible, while on the other hand they invest heavily in the production of feelings of threat, fear and the creation of enemies.
Building support for militarism is not only ideological, but is also done by recruiting people from all social strata into its ranks. In the current social order, entry into the structures of organised violence promises upward mobility between social classes, and with it social security, prestige, a sense of power and often a strong level of impunity. Many leading representatives of states, arms companies and international organisations have spent at least a part of their careers, and many of them their entire careers, in cushy jobs within the structures of militarism. It is also perfectly normal and normalised for these people to move between these structures, for example, when the CEO of an arms company becomes Minister of Defence or the Prime Minister becomes the head of a military alliance. This kind of interplay between the different structures of militarism ensures that the system as a whole functions like a well-oiled machine when it comes to, for example, a task of imposing war, armament, genocide or joining a military alliance on the people.
Although war is the ultimate horizon of militarism, it can also be understood more broadly. For example, the police have tasks that are not formally directly related to war, yet at the same time they are heavily involved in militarisation even when officially there is peace. In many circumstances, the tools, weapons, tactics and strategies of the police are becoming increasingly military-like. During the Covid-19 epidemic, the local police in Slovenia also brought their procedures in line with modern, heavily militarised police methods across Europe: they normalised the use of tear gas and other chemical weapons at political rallies, the firing of rubber bullets, the use of huge armoured vehicles to push people away, the interventions without a legal basis, and much more. The people who feel this militarisation the most are the marginalised, such as people on the move, the homeless, the illegalised and many others.
To summarise: militarism is an extremely parsed system which, by channeling social resources into structures of organised violence, reinforces capitalism's power over society. Anti-militarism, on the other hand, is a movement that actively opposes it and builds a world in which war and the structures that enable or necessitate it have no place.
Militarism as a public-private partnership
The militarisation of society also involves an ever expanding range of structures and agents of organised violence. In addition to the most visible and recognised ones that are directly organised by states or supranational structures such as the army, police, intelligence services, NATO, Frontex, etc., the private sector has also flourished in recent decades. This 'private' character is only conditional, as their survival in the market is often and often exclusively ensured by various forms of overt or covert public-private partnerships. Many companies and their employees are to a large degree and often from the outset linked to state structures and public financial resources. For this reason it is more reasonable to consider them as projects of state structures or of other parts of the system of militarism, rather than as private initiatives. In this scheme, only the profits are private, while the initiative, financial input or consequences only rarely are. If such private activities are carried out in secrecy, it is also because the state ensures that that is the case. If the perpetrators of violent operations can enjoy legal immunity and other forms of protection, it is because the state provides it. In addition, the latter often provides a monopoly position in the market, a positive PR and properly trained personnel.
Internationally, some of the most notorious examples of public-private partnerships are private military companies such as the now long-renamed Blackwater1, Executive Outcomes2 and, more recently, the Wagner Group3, which is particularly notorious for the side it is fighting on. In the shadows of these big stories are many other smaller companies whose operating model is similar. They are also embedded in militarist structures, but they operate more behind the scenes, or employ different approach to PR.
Although the so-called Private Military Contractors (PMCs) are on the outside different from paramilitary units, which are well-known also in the Balkans, they are structurally exactly that. PMCs are characterised by the fact that in a legal sense they are not directly under the command of official military structures. Even when they are directly established by states, they operate under different rules of engagement than their official military counterparts, yet the state still guarantees their legal impunity even in the case of the most serious crimes. Many states - Israel is here an exception - leave the execution of most serious crimes in times of war to their paramilitary structures, denying responsibility for them, but nevertheless doing their best to protect them if necessary.
In Slovenia, we have not yet identified a company that could be convincingly attributed the status of a private military company. There are companies here that train soldiers for war, such as Guardiaris, or that participate with their products in NATO military exercises and in the war in Ukraine, in the case of the drone manufacturer C-Astral. Still, the early steps in the development of private military companies can be recognised in the very extensive system of private security companies, in which the state has long been systematically investing. It has for example adapted legislation in this area to secure their profit interests, including by imposing a compulsory and expensive use of official security at many common social and social events. The state is also, slowly but steadily, investing security guards with new powers and tasks. Although these are supposed to be private companies, they enjoy a high degree of legal impunity in the eyes of the state. This is illustrated, for example, by the case of the violent evacuation of the Autonomous Factory Rog which was in 2021 executed without any legal basis on the instructions of the Mayor of the Municipality of Ljubljana by several companies with Valina and her neo-Nazis in the leading role, while the police 'protected' the operation with an enormous amount of violence. There is also the well-known case of the murder of a young man outside the Global disco in 2007 by a VIP security guard, for which the murderer was never punished. There are many other examples of unpunished violence by members of private security companies.
In addition to general asset and property protection services, some private security companies also provide more specialised services, which are otherwise the preserve of state security services and state security apparatuses. As this is a sensitive area that goes to the very heart of the functioning of the modern state, information on these companies and their activities is not easily accessible, if at all. Two of these companies are the twins IBS Varovanje in storitve (IBS Security and Services) and IBS Skupina (IBS Group) from Kočevje, which due to their complete interconnectedness can also be considered as the IBS family, which also includes an association Društvo taktičnih veščin IBS (IBS Tactical Skills Association). The founders of both companies are Dalibor Debartoli and Janja Debartoli, and the former is also the representative of the Association. All three legal entities have their office registered at the same address.
The IBS family
IBS Security and Services, where IBS stands for International Bodyguard Service, was founded in 2003 and, according to their own words, is primarily involved in providing personal security services. Among its references on its website4 it lists the protection of public office holders, including the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia, the Minister of the Interior, the Minister of Health and numerous international meetings of state representatives held in Slovenia. The company concluded its first such contracts practically immediately after its establishment, i.e. in the period between 2004 and 2008. Among its references, the company stresses a fruitful cooperation with Israel, for example, protecting the Israeli women's sports team and, in 2009, the events in context of celebration of the 61st anniversary of the founding of the State of Israel, and can boast a number of recommendations from the Israeli Embassy in Vienna. Given these credentials, it is not surprising that IBS Security and Services is granted permission by the Ministry of Defence to handle classified information. The same ministry granted the status of a place of special importance to the company's office.
While a quick rise of IBS Security and Services in the circle of state's most trusted partners is worth raising an eyebrow for, its leading figures have since expanded their activities. In 2008, Dalibor Bebartoli founded a sister company called IBS Group. It set up the Lynx Pro centre near Kočevje, where, on a 3.5 hectare site, it provides military training "for everyone, from those who have not yet encountered tactical skills to members of elite military units, police, justice and other professionals5". Among the many different types of training that the IBS Group advertises on its website are shooting with a sniper rifle, close-range combat, tactical shooting and military tactics. Judging by the promotional materials, IBS Protection is also on the look-out for potential recruits among the participants of the Lynx PRO training centre. The IBS Group claims that most of their business or tasks are carried out abroad. They also mention that they have extensive experience of training the Special Forces from several 'African countries'.
The founder of both companies, Dalibor Debartoli, and the CEO of IBS Security and Services, is a former police officer. According to the company's website, since joining the police in 1993, he has worked in the following units: "Protective Police Unit (1993-1995), Kočevje Police Station (1996-1998), Criminal Police Administration GPU - Special Tasks Division (1998-2001), Criminal Police Division at the Ljubljana Police Office, Drugs Group (2002-2004), at the Ribnica Police Station he served as Assistant Commander in charge of Public Order and Crime, and finally, from 2005 until the end of 2007, in the Office for Safety and Security." In addition, "he also served as an Underwater Diversion Officer in the Rapid Intervention Detachment of the then 1st Special Brigade Moris (1995-1996). (...) In the course of his work in the police, he obtained a security certificate or access to classified information of the level 'Secret', Secret EU, valid until 2012. In 2009, when obtaining the security certificate for the purpose of carrying out work in the company he manages, the Ministry of Defence extended his access to SECRET for a period of five years." In the midst of all this involvement, however - still judging by the above-mentioned website - "on 1 November 2007, he took over as director of IBS Varovanje (International Bodyguard service)". Dalibor Debartoli is also currently a member of the municipal council of the municipality of Kočevje, to which he was elected on the list of the current mayor and also of the freshest new face of the Slovene left-liberal elite, Vladimir Prebilič.
Some of the other 'team members' of the Lynx Pro centre also boast military and police careers, at least according to the website: veterans of the 1991 war in Slovenia, former members of special units of the army and police, members of counter-terrorism units, intelligence officers, members of the NATO occupation forces in Afghanistan, etc. Among these names, Črt Slavec stands out a bit. He works at the Lynx Pro centre as an instructor of tactical physical training. What makes him interesting is not his alleged combat successes, but his career as a public figure. His name is often in the local yellow press, especially in the context of his alleged affairs with female models. The same press also claims that he has an attractive appearance and portrayes him as a kind of local action hero as it admired his exploits during flood rescue actions and in other similar situations.
In addition to the activities, the staff and the time period in which the company started and developed, the location of the Lynx PRO Centre is also not without implications. In Kočevje, in the middle of an area which for decades has been characterised by a strong presence of all kinds of military, police and intelligence structures, such as weapons depots, training grounds, secret bunkers, firing ranges, etc., a private company managed to buy a plot of land from the municipality of Kočevje and to dedicate it to a formal private military training ground.
IBS Group boasts certifications from Simunition and GD-OTS (General Dynamics Ordnance and Tactical Systems) relating to the use of ammunition, equipment and training systems. These certifications allow the company to be part of a select group of companies that can train individuals from the armed structures of NATO member states for combat operations. Simunition and GD-OTS manufacture and trade weapons and have close links with the United States military. For example, GD-OTS, which is one of the top 5 arms dealers in the world, uses the slogan "empowering US army and its allies" and is currently headed by a former CIA employee.
The IBS family is not only well recognized in the top echelons of the Slovenian state, the State of Israel, NATO and arms companies working for the US military. It is also embedded in the local environment, certainly helped by the fact that its CEO is a political ally of the current mayor who is incidentally also a great hope of the well-known politics of new faces. It is also actively entering the school system, where she presents military training as an adventure and fun. Thus, in his circular of 31 May 2023, the headmaster of one of the Kočevje primary schools Peter Pirc directly encouraged parents to enrol their children in a nature survival course organised by IBS Group: "IBS Group Ltd - Lynx Proadventure has also created an interesting product for the holidays - a nature survival course. The course offers a variety of activities for children aged 9 to 15 years."6
Today, the IBS family employs more than 80 people full-time. It has excellent links with the security structures of the Slovenian state and beyond. It enjoys strong support in the local environment and is constantly expanding its activities, which include the promotion of the values of militarism in society. Although there are no serious indications that IBS Security and Services and IBS Group are directly involved in combat operations around the world, they are an integral part of the wider ecosystem that carries out these operations. It is reasonable to speculate that the IBS family of companies also acts as a recruitment centre for people interested in careers in private military companies. All this is conducted with full support of the Slovenian state. Without too much imagination, it is possible to identify in the IBS family the local buds of a private military sector, or at least an ambition to create one.
It is virtually impossible to understand the IBS family as a group of ordinary companies operating in the free market of private security services. It is much more reasonable to understand it as a project of the Slovenian state working in collaboration with other local and international militarist structures. If we draw a line under everything that is known about the IBS family, we can reasonably put forward the thesis that the ultimate responsibility for its operations lies with the state of Slovenia. Of course other partners or enablers bear their share of responsibility as well.
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Militarisation is being imposed in more and more areas of our lives. It is not just about the unbearable news from as yet distant places. The army and its values are invading schools and kindergartens, public spaces, our villages and towns. We are increasingly seeing lighter and heavier military vehicles on the roads. They are literally occupying significant amounts of territory, polluting it and taking it away from communities. This must be resisted! The Kočevje forest should be for spruces, ferns, bears, foxes, bees, the occasional human walker and other animals living in peace. Forests and meadows are not meant to be occupied by militarism.
With this intervention we join the Transnational Days of Action against Militarism and Nationalism, which were decided upon at the Balkan Anarchist Book Fair in Pristina in the summer of 2024. The structures of militarism and their representatives must be identified in our local environment and labelled as unacceptable and undesirable.
WE DO NOT WANT NEITHER PUBLIC NOR PRIVATE ARMY!
FREE THE FOREST OF KOČEVJE FROM MILITARY OCCUPATION!
SNIPING IS NOT A HOBBY!
Initiative against militarism
October 2024